For North American readers, few historical events in the sagas arouse greater curiosity than does the Icelandic settlement of Greenland and the discovery of America. The settlements in Greenland lasted about 500 years, beginning with Eirik the Red’s arrival from Iceland in about 981. They perished by gradual stages in the [xl] fifteenth century, apparently on account of increasingly cold weather and the difficulties of sailing in ice-filled waters to and from Iceland and Norway. Archaeologists have excavated the remains of these settlements and even the earliest of them are as impressive as Icelandic sites of the same period.
The story of the discovery and exploration of America is told in two works, Eirik the Red's Saga and the shorter Saga of the Greenlanders. The two sagas differ from each other in a number of details, Eirik the Red's Saga agreeing more frequently with other written sources, such as Heimskringla. Neither work is among the best sagas, and yet in their blending of myth and historical tradition they are typical of the genre... The Saga of the Greenlanders attributes the first sighting of America to a merchant named Bjarni Herjolfsson, who in about 985 went off course on his way to Greenland, whereas Eirik the Red's Saga gives the credit to Leif Eiriksson, who made the discovery through a similar accident about the year 1000. Altogether, the Saga of the Greenlanders describes six trips to America, including Bjarni's and an extended expedition by Leif Eiriksson. Eirik the Red's Saga mentions only three, the most extended of which was made by Thorfinn Karlsefni, a very able Icelandic merchant who also figures importantly in the Saga of the Greenlanders... Written evidence indicates that the Greenlanders maintained a connection with Markland as a source of timber until at least the fourteenth century. With Vinland, however, contact seems to have been lost after the explorations of Leif Eiriksson and Thorfinn Karlsefni in the early eleventh century. About the country we know very little with precision, although we do know that it was not an invention of our two sagas. Well before they were written Vinland was mentioned by Ari in Islendingabök and even earlier than that by Adam of Bremen in his History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen of about 1075. Both the Saga of the Greenlanders and Eirik the Red's Saga describe a land that has wine grapes, maples and self-sown grain (probably rice). The sagas report that the weather in Vinland was warm enough for cattle to graze outside all winter.. (Vidar Hreinsson, Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (Vol. I.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997: xl)
Karlsefni, together with Snorri and Bjarni and their people, went southward along the coast. They sailed for a long [107] time, and came at last to a river which flowed down from the land into a lake and then into the sea. There were great beaches before the mouth of the river, and the river could not be entered except at high tide.1 Karlsefni and his men sailed into the mouth of the river and called the place Hóp. They found there on the shore self-sown wheat-fields on the low land, but vines where the ground was high. Every brook there was full of fish. They dug pits on the beach at the edge of the high tide, and when the tide fell there were halibut,2 in the pits. There were great numbers of animals of all kinds in the woods. They remained there half a month and enjoyed themselves without anything happening. They had brought their live stock with them.13 One morning early they observed a great number of skinboats,3 and saw that staves (or rods),4 were brandished, and it sounded like the wind whistling in stacks of straw,5 and the staves were swung with the sun.6 Karlsefni thought this might be a sign of peace and ordered his men to display a white shield. These people rowed up to them, went ashore,7 and looked at the newcomers with surprise. They were swarthy men of a savage appearance and had scraggly hair on their heads. They had big eyes and broad cheeks. They tarried there for a time, wondering at the people they saw before them, and after that they rowed away southward around the cape.7
Karlsefni and his followers built their houses above the lake. Some of their dwellings were near the lake, others farther away. They remained there that winter. No snow came and all of their live stock lived by grazing. At the beginning of spring, early one morning, they observed a number of skin-boats rowed from the south round [108] the headland,7 so many that it looked as if coal had been strewn at the mouth of the harbor. Then again staves were swung on each boat.3,4.5 Karlsefni and his men raised their shields, and when they got together they began to barter, and these people preferred red cloth; in exchange they gave peltries and pure grey (squirrel?) skins.8 They also desired to buy swords and spears, but this was forbidden by Karlsefni and Snorri. For a pure grey skin 8 the Skraelings received one span of red cloth, which they tied round their heads. So their trade went on for a time. Then the cloth began to get scarce, and the Norsemen cut it in small pieces not wider than a finger, and yet the Skraelings gave as much for it as before, or even more.
It happened that Karlsefni's bull ran out from the woods, bellowing loudly. This frightened the Skraelings; they ran to their boats and rowed away southward along the shore; after this nothing was seen of them for three whole weeks.. But at the end of that time a great number of Skraeling boats came from the south, a dense stream of them; the staves were now swung against the direction of the sun; 6 and the Skraelings all yelled loudly.10 Karlsefni and his men displayed a red shield. The Skraelings ran out of their boats, and a fight ensued....
[subsequent battle and additional text omitted ]
.... Karlsefni and his people now realized that, although the land was rich, they would always live in constant danger [110] of hostilities with the natives. They therefore determined to return to their own countrys.11 and at once prepared to leave. They sailed to the northward along the coast,12 and found five Skraelings, clad in coats of skin, lying asleep near the sea; they had with them boxes containing animal marrow, mixed with blood; 13 Karlsefni and his men concluded that these people must have been banished from their own land; they killed them. Afterwards the Norsemen came to a cape, upon which there was a great number of animals; this cape was completely covered with dung, because the animals lay there at night.14 They now came back to Straumfiord, where they found abundance of all that they needed. (Excerpt from THE SAGA OF THE GREENLANDERS, William Hovgaard. The Voyages of the Northmen to America. The American-Scandinavian Foundation 1914 {Kraus Reprint, New York, 1971:106–110}; emphases and indices supplied)
Karlsefni proceeded southwards along the land, with Snorri and Bjarni and the rest of the company. They journeyed a long while, and until they arrived at a river, which came down from the land and fell into a lake, and so on to the sea. There were large islands off the mouth of the river, and they could not come into the river except at high flood-tide.1 Karlsefni and his people sailed to the mouth of the river, and called the land Hop. There they found fields of wild wheat wherever there were low grounds; and the vine in all places were there was rough rising ground. Every rivulet there was full of fish. They made holes where the land and water joined and where the tide went highest; and when it ebbed they found halibut,2 in the holes. There was great plenty of wild animals of every form in the wood. They were there half a month, amusing themselves, and not becoming aware of anything. Their cattle they had with them.13 And early one morning, as they looked around, they [28] beheld nine canoes made of hides,3 and snout-like staves were being brandished,4 from the boats, and they made a noise like flails,5 and twisted round in the direction of the sun's motion.6 Then Karlsefni said, “What will this betoken?” Snorri answered him, “It may be that it is a token of peace; let us take a white shield and go to meet them.” And so they did. Then did they in the canoes row forwards, and showed surprise at them, and came to land.7 They were short men, ill-looking, with their hair in disorderly fashion on their heads; they were large-eyed, and had broad cheeks. And they stayed there awhile in astonishment. Afterwards they rowed away to the south, off the headland.710. They had built their settlements up above the lake. And some of the dwellings were well within the land, but some were near the lake. Now they remained there that winter. They had no snow whatever, and all their cattle went out to graze without keepers. Now when spring began, they beheld one morning early, that a fleet of hide-canoes was rowing from the south off the headland;7 so many were they as if the sea were strewn with pieces of charcoal, and there was also the brandishing of staves as before from each boat.3,4,5 Then they held shields up, and a market was formed between them; and this people in their purchases preferred red cloth; in exchange they had furs to give, and skins quite grey.8 They wished also to buy swords and lances, but Karlsefni and Snorri forbad it. They offered for the cloth dark hides,9 and took in exchange a span long of cloth, and bound it round their heads; and so matters went on for a while. But when the stock of cloth began to grow small, then they split it asunder, so that it was not more than a finger's breadth. The Skrœlingar (Esquimaux) gave for it still quite as much, or more than before.
11. Now it came to pass that a bull, which belonged to Karlsefni's people, rushed out of the wood and bellowed [29] loudly at the same time. The Skrœlingar, frightened thereat, rushed away to their canoes, and rowed south along the coast. There was then nothing seen of them for three weeks together. When that time was gone by, there was seen approaching from the south a great crowd of Skrœlingar boats, coming down upon them like a stream, the staves this time being all brandished in the direction opposite to the sun's motion,6 and the Skrœlingar were all howling loudly.10 Then took they and bare red shields to meet them. they encountered one another and fought...
[ subsequent battle and additional text omitted ]
12. [Karlsefni and his company] were now of opinion that though the land might be choice and good, there would be always war and terror overhanging them, from those who dwelt there before them. They made ready, therefore, to move away, with intent to go to their own land.11 They sailed forth northwards,12 and found five Skrœlingar in jackets of skin, sleeping [near the sea], and they had with them a chest, and in it was marrow of animals mixed with blood;13 and they considered that these must have been outlawed. They slew them. Afterwards they came to a headland and a multitude of wild animals; and this headland appeared as if it might be a cake of cow-dung, because the animals passed the winter there.14 Now they came to Straumsfjordr, where also they had abundance of all kinds. (Excerpt from THE SAGA OF EIRIK THE RED, Rev. John. Sephton, Eirik the Red's Saga, D. Marples & Co., Ltd. Liverpool, 1880; emphases and indices supplied)
1. It is more than 180 miles from the northern tip of Vancouver Island to Cowichan Bay. Both SG and SR agree that they sailed "a long time," also "southward along the coast" and "southwards along the land." Finally the Vikings arrive at the mouth of a river that flows "down from the land" into a lake. The qualifier "down" may seem inconsequential, but in the special case of Cowichan Lake there is indeed another river at the northwestern end of the lake running down from the Coast Mountain Range. Both sagas also state that there is a river that runs from a lake into the sea, and both state further that the bay was only accessible at high tide. SG includes a prior qualifier: "there were great beaches before the mouth of the river" whereas SR states something quite different, i.e., "There were large islands off the mouth of the river." With the tidal effect covered in both versions the latter may be seen as added information and confirmation that we have reached the right location; there are indeed "large islands off the mouth" of the Cowichan River, namely Saltspring Island and the two Pender Islands listed above. See also Map 8b. If so, this would likely be a later and helpful addition in keeping with the lengthy interval of time considered in the present hypothesis.
2. Halibut (along with salmon) are still almost synonymous with the Pacific Northwest with Halibut an important food source among the First Nations at a time when it was more plentiful. Now rare, if not fished completely out in some southerly locations, it was once far more widespread and prolific, as photographs of halibut fishing taken by Edward S. Curtis attest. Not a major indicator perhaps, but an indicator that at least serves to separate the Pacific Northwest from "cod-baskets" on the East Coast of North America.
3, 4, 5 Both SG and SR state that the event described next (3, 4 and 5) takes place in the early morning; SG refers to "a great number of skinboats," SR: "nine canoes made of hides." The mention of "hides" is possibly significant, as will be shown later. The "staves" mentioned here represent one of the least understood parts of both SR and ER. Moreover, agreement is generally lacking concerning the noise made by these implements, or indeed their purpose. A partial analysis is provided later under "With and Against the Sun."
6. Although related to 3 and 4 the direction is reversed later in both sagas, i.e., movement "with the Sun" in the first instance, then "against the sun" in the second--activities that again appear little understood . Various interpretations have been offered from time to time but none have found general acceptance.
7. The initial meeting between the Vikings and the Vinland inhabitants is friendly but inconsequential, although it does introduce the matter of the flailing staves and the general appearance of the latter. Both Sagas have the visitors arriving from a headland to the south and both have the visitors leaving in this same direction.
8. According to the present hypothesis the "pure grey (squirrel?) skins" mentioned in SG and the "skins quite grey" in SR is might be explained by seal skins, or better perhaps, by the highly-prized dense fur of the Pacific Northwest Sea-Otter (Enhydra lutris) since others (e.g., Kunz: 1997:15) thus dark "pelts" rather than "skins." More on this below.
9. "Dark hides" in SR may perhaps refer to Elk hides obtainable in the region. Here, at one time (at least among the Kutenai) elk hides were used in the construction of hide-covered boats (Curtis, 1911:127) More on this later.
10. Both sagas agree here: SG: "the Skraelings all yelled loudly," and SR: "the Skrœlingar were all howling loudly." A time-tested element of psychological warfare, perhaps? More on this when the matter is discussed in greater detail later.
11. Both sagas agree, for essentially the same reasons, that they will retreat from Vinland, i.e., SG: "return to their own countrys," and ER: "to their own land," though neither is defined further and the former is in the plural in addition. But it is unclear which country or land will be the final destination in either case. A number of options exist, but none of them concern us here.
12. Both sagas are also in agreement about the direction they will take: SG: "They sailed to the northward along the coast," and SR, without mentioning the coast: "They sailed forth northwards." Both therefore return on a reciprocal heading to that used on their arrival. Although this is hardly surprising, it is nevertheless in complete accord with the present hypothesis and location of Vinland in the Cowichan Bay region of Vancouver Island.
13. Similar in both sagas, this incident requires the rather lengthy introduction and somewhat specialized treatment given later in: 1. Encounter North of Cowichan Bay.
14. Similar again in both sagas, but with significant minor differences, the information provided here again requires special treatment. (see: 2. Point of Departure for Markland).
It is said of Wineland, in the Saga of Eric the Red, that “no snow fell there, and the cattle were out [in winter] and fed themselves,” and in the Flateyjarbók we read “there was no frost in the winter, and the grass withered little.” These, we see, are pure impossibilities. (Fridjof Nansen, In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times, Vol. II, Trans. Arthur G. Chater, Heinemann, London 1911:347. )
Despite facing a superior force, only two of Karlsefni's men were killed while a great number of the natives were slain. . .
The natives also found one of the dead men, whose axe lay beside him. One of them picked up the axe and chopped at a tree, and then each took his turn at it. They thought this thing which cut so well a real treasure. One of them struck a stone, and the axe broke. He thought a thing which could not withstand stone to be of little worth, and tossed it away. (Kuneva Kunz, The Saga of Erik the Red, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:15, emphases supplied)
In the field of weapons, one piece which appears in every Nootka collection supplies also the continuity of this culture, namely the whalebone war club. It is made of material distinctive of the Nootka, for they were without doubt the best whalers on the coast and in addition made the whale hunt one of their great rituals. It is fitting therefore that this characteristic piece should be an index of this culture. This club, about 2 feet long, flat and broadening toward its lower end, and with a profile of a bird's head for the handle is found archaeologically, not only along the coast, but as far away as the Plateau region. It was never copied by others but was a constant article of trade. This club was an effective weapon in close combat.(Erna Gunther, “A Re-Evaulation of the Cultural Position of the Nootka,” in Men and Cultures, Selected Papers of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences. Ed. Anthony C. Wallace, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1957:274; emphases supplied)
45. Stone Baton. ROM 27870
Flat, knife-shaped object with a short handle with a knob a tthe end and a curved, leaf-shaped blade incised on both sides.
. . . Now when other tribes heard about these things, many of them doubted, and from every direction they came to see for themselves. When Yanamhum knew that they were coming, he made a wooden club in the likeness of mukwanhl, which he kept in its wrapping. Then one day the beach was black with large canoes, and Yanamhum let it be known that he would dance twice on the housetop with the wooden club, but the third time he would dance with mukwanhl itself, and those who continued to doubt would pay for their unbelief. So while the visitors sat in their canoes, he danced on the roof, holding the wooden club above his head. Then dropping the wooden club he raised the stone one and tore off the wrappings. Immediately the people fell dead, and the canoes were overturned. Then Yanamhum announced that he would give away presents, and all the people came to his house. The Wolves had told him how to make pipe whistles and tongue whistles and bullroarers, and he made a number of these and showed the members of his family how to use them. At the potlatch, while the people were in the house, his relatives stood outside blowing the whistles and whirling the bullroarers, and the people were amazed and frightened. This was the beginning of the first tlitqan.
Now the chiefs of the other five villages of the Kyuquot became very jealous of Yanamhum and, determined to find out his secrets, they sent men who crept into the house one night, killed him, opened his box, and took out the whistles and bullroarers one by one. But they could not understand these things, and thinking them worthless threw them away. (Edward S. Curtis, The North American Indian, Volume 11, 1916: 98; emphases supplied)
1.
The poles that are swung the way of the
sun or against it seem incomprehensible, and something
of the meaning must have been lost in the transference of this incident
from the tale from which it
was borrowed. It may be derived from the kayak paddles of the Greenland
Eskimo, which at a
distance look like poles being swung, with or against the sun according
to the side they are seen from.
It may be mentioned that in the oldest MS. of Eric the Red's Saga, in
the Hauksbók, the reading is
not "trjánum" as in the later MS., but “triom” and “trionum.”
Now “tribnum” or
“trjónum” might
mean either poles or snouts, and one would then be led
to think of the
Indians' animal masks, or
again, of the
trolls' long snouts or animal trunks, which we find again in fossil
forms in the fairy-tales,
and even in games that are still preserved in Gudbrandsdal,
under the name of "trono" (the regular
Gudbrandsdal phonetic development of Old Norse “trjóna”'), where
people cover
their heads with
an animal's skin and put on a long troll’s snout with two wooden jaws.
But that the snouts were
waved with or against the sun does not give any better meaning; there
may be some confusion here. (Fridjof Nansen, In Northern
Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times, Vol. II, Trans. Arthur
G. Chater, Heinemann, London 1911:10, Footnote 1; emphases supplied).
Added below is a reduced B/W composite of the 1909 canvas-covered Kutenai "skin" canoe Edward S. Curtis used for his study.Inhabiting a mountainous country dotted with lakes and traversed by long winding rivers, the Kutenai very naturally became expert boatmen, the commoner form of craft was a canoe made of pine-bark or spruce-bark laid over a framework of split fir. It was sharp at bow and stern, and of the form still seen among the Kalispel.
Another type consisted of a skeleton framework and a covering of fresh elk-hides sewn together and well-stretched, which dried still and hard. This formed a remarkably seaworthy craft, very wide of beam and so bulging amidships as to be, in effect, rather more than half-decked. Both ends were noticeably rounded and upcurving, the canoe giving the impression of being closely patterned on the lines of a water-fowl. In the summer of 1909 a canvas-covered specimen was discovered on the shore of Flathead Lake, and used in making a number of Kutenai pictures. It was seventeen feet in length, forty-two inches in extreme width, twenty-three inches in depth, forty-two in height at the bow and thirty-seven inches at the stern. The Kutenai made dugouts of cottonwood logs only after steel axes were acquired.” (Edward S. Curtis, The North American Indian, Vol. 7, 1911:127)
11. One morning, as spring advanced, they noticed a large number of hide-covered boats rowing up from the south around the point. There were so many of them that it looked as if bits of coal had been tossed over the water. (Kuneva Kunz, The Saga of Erik the Red, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:16, emphases supplied)
These fish are rather small, nine to twelve inches long, but they arrive at the mouths of certain rivers in great multitudes. The Nass River, in the Tsimshian country, is the most noted fishery for eulachon. The first arrivals are in the middle of March and the fish continue to run for about six weeks...Eulachon oil was highly prized; dried salmon, halibut, and other foods were dipped into it and formed a favorite sauce for such dishes as dried berries and smoked meats. Trade in eulachon oil was formerly very extensive. Indians from a distance came to the favorable fishing places and bought temporary rights to fish and render the oil. Long trails, known as "grease trails," led into the interior, where the coast people traded with the Athaspascan-speaking tribes. The oil was carried by canoe and also traded among the Northwest Coast people. (Pliny Earl Goddard, Indians of the Northwest Coast, Cooper Square Publishers, New York, 1973:69 [1934]
For centuries the eulachon fishing on the tidal waters of the river has attracted the tribes from all quarters. From the interior, hundreds of miles distant by trail, the Indians thronged, carrying their effects on sleighs drawn by their dogs or by themselves (as they generally started early in the year while the snow was deep) in time to reach the river in time for the fish, which usually arrive about the middle of March. They brought with them also furs, the proceeds of their hunting expeditions, with which they pay the tribes, These furs were principally marmot and rabbit skins, generally sewn together to form rugs for bedcovers or robes. Martin, mink, and bear skins were also tendered and accepted. But not infrequently when pressed by famine, which was not unusual among the inland tribes, they handed over their young children in barter for food. These were in turn passed to the Haida as part payment for their canoes, which were so necessary in their hunting and fishing...
...The coast Indians from far up in Alaska and from the south came in large fleets of canoes to catch the eulachon or to barter for the extracted oil. ... Their dried salmon and halibut are eaten with this grease. The herring spawn and seaweed when boiled are mixed with a portion; and even the berries, crab apples, and cranberries are mixed freely with the grease when cooked and stored away for winter use. The eulachon, because of its richness in oil, was formerly known as the candle fish, as when partly dried the Indians used it as a torch by night. As already stated, the first shoal of fish arrive about the middle of March. I have witnessed them followed into the mouth of the river by hundreds of seals, porpoises, sea lions, and finback whales, feasting on the eulachon and upon one another. So eager were they in the pursuit that the largest mammals almost grounded in the shallows, and when they discovered their position they struggled, fought, and bellowed in such a manner that they might have been heard for over two miles distant. None of our hunters would venture out in their canoes to attack them, so fierce was the fray...
Each household will have from five to ten tons of fish, and more. After they have sun-dried, salted and stored a quantity sufficient for future use, from the remainder they exhaust the oil. Formerly the grease was extracted from the fish by stones made red hot in large fires. These heated stones were cast into large boxes filled with fish and water, and the process was repeated until the grease floated freely on the surface. It was then skimmed off into chests made of red cedar. Now, however, the fish are boiled on small fireplaces built of stone and mud, and the grease can be extracted with less labour and fuel in a shorter time.
If only the Indians would extract the grease by boiling the fish while fresh, the grease would be as white and pure as lard; instead of doing this they permit the fish to lie in the bins until they are putrid. This causes the oil to be rancid and discoloured and unfit for wholesome food...
Is it any wonder that this fishing was a casus belli among the tribes during the past, when food was scarce and might was right. ... The eulachon is found also in other rivers of the British Columbia coast, but inferior in quantity and quality to those of the Nass. (William Henry Collison, In the Wake of the War Canoe, Edited and annotated by Charles Lilliard, SONO NIS PRESS, Victoria, 1981:38-45)
... then realised that, despite everything the land had to offer there, they would be under constant threat of attack from its prior inhabitants. They made ready to depart for their own country. Sailing north along the shore, they discovered five natives sleeping in skin sacks near the shore. Beside them they had vessels of bark filled with deer marrow blended with blood. They assumed these men to be outlaws and killed them. (Kuneva Kunz, The Saga of Erik the Red, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:14-16, emphases supplied)Minor variations to the above are offered by Reeves (1894:49), who omits the word "bark" but retains "there were vessels beside them, containing animal marrow, mixed with blood," whereas Gathorne-Hardy (1921:64) gives: "receptacles in which was beast's marrow mixed with blood." Gwyn Jones (1969:153--54), on the other hand prefers: "wooden containers in which was beast's marrow mixed with blood." William Hovguard (1914:110) gives "boxes" here, and similarly Sephton (1880), supplies "chest." Lastly, Magnusson and Pálsson (1978:38) suggest that the entire sentence: "describes Red Indian food as being 'deer-marrow mixed with blood,' a fair description of the pemmican used by hunting tribes."
"... [the King of Denmark] said that an island had been found by many in this ocean, which has been called Vinland, because there vines grow wild and bear good grapes. Moreover, that there is self-sown grain in abundance, we learned, not from mythical tales, but from reliable accounts of the Danes. Beyond this island, said he [the King], no habitable land is found.” (William Hovgaard, The Voyages of the Northmen to America. The American-Scandinavian Foundation 1914 [Kraus Reprint Co. New York, 1971:75–76])
Karlsefni and his people now realized that, although the land was rich, they would always live in constant danger [110] of hostilities with the natives. They therefore determined to return to their own countrys.1 and at once prepared to leave. They sailed to the northward along the coast, and found five Skraelings, clad in coats of skin, lying asleep near the sea; they had with them boxes containing animal marrow, mixed with blood; Karlsefni and his men concluded that these people must have been banished from their own land; they killed them. Afterwards the Norsemen came to a cape, upon which there was a great number of animals; this cape was completely covered with dung, because the animals lay there at night.2 They now came back to Straumfiord, where they found abundance of all that they needed. (Excerpt from THE SAGA OF THE GREENLANDERS, William Hovgaard 1914:106–110; emphases and indices supplied)
[Karlsefni and his company] were now of opinion that though the land might be choice and good, there would be always war and terror overhanging them, from those who dwelt there before them. They made ready, therefore, to move away, with intent to go to their own land.1 They sailed forth northwards, and f found five Skrœlingar in jackets of skin, sleeping [near the sea], and they had with them a chest, and in it was marrow of animals mixed with blood; and they considered that these must have been outlawed. They slew them. Afterwards they came to a headland and a multitude of wild animals; and this headland appeared as if it might be a cake of cow-dung, because the animals passed the winter there.2 Now they came to Straumsfjordr, where also they had abundance of all kinds. (Excerpt from THE SAGA OF EIRIK THE RED, Rev. John. Sephton 1880; emphases and indices supplied)
COMMENTARY (ADDED)These two excerpts may seem innocuous, but on examination they nonetheless supply a precise northbound departure point from Vancouver Island, and another less certain Pacific Northwest indicator, i.e., large Sea lion colonies such as that at Bull Harbour (see below). Thus the answer to the question posed in #2 above is that it takes us to "Bull" Harbour at the northernmost tip Vancouver Island as a logical, if not clearly defined point of departure for Markland (Haida Gwai).
1. What is meant by "their own country" in sG and "their own land" in sR in not clear, or at least not defined. On the eastern side of North America this might refer to Greenland, or Iceland, or even Norway. Although this could still apply in the Pacific Northwest it is also possible that this return is to another Viking "land" in the same region, e.g., "Whiteman's Land," which may or may not lie farther north than Helluland, perhaps in Alaska around Icy Bay (?) on or along the 60th Parallel.
2. Although sG and sR are in general agreement, sG gives "cape" while sR uses "headland," and both use "dung" and "animals" in their respective descriptions. There is also a difference in the time the "animals" spent on the cape (or headland), but why is all this included in the Sagas in the first place, and in so much detail in the second?
Next, an arrival point for Markland is supplied by the narrative of Francis Poole, an English mining engineer who prospected for copper at Barnaby Island on Haida Gwai in the early 1860s. He eventually left the Islands in 1863 as a member of a thirty-seven person, two-canoe expedition to Victoria on the southern tip of Vancouver Island. We take up Poole's narrative at the point where the expedition's two canoes arrive at the southernmost point of Haida Gwai with the intention of sailing due east before turning south for Vancouver Island and Victoria:VINLAND Point of Departure for MARKLANDBULL HARBOUR, On Hope Island, northern tip of Vancouver Island: 50O 54' 24" North, 127O 56' 10" West.
BULL HARBOR. "Hope Island. off northern VI (C-6). The name was in use as early as 1841. It probably refers to the many large and fierce sea lion bulls that frequent this area." (G.P.V. and Helen B. Akrigg, British Columbia Place Names, 3rd Edition, University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver, 1997:32)
The evening of our start therefore we hugged the shore to the southward for about two hours, and at 8 p.m. we drew up our canoes in the dark on a pebbly beach, fronting the broad strip of flattish land which stretches round from the mouth of Stewart's Channel near Cape St. James. This is the most southerly part of Queen Charlotte Islands, and our idea was to wait there for a fair winds before attempting to cross the Sound. We hoped to make due east to the British Columbian mainland early next morning, so as to secure as much daylight as possible; but when morning came, seeing that a storm had partially arisen the Indians unanimously voted against launching forth... Thus we waited forty-eight hours longer, encamped in an old Indian ranche, [house] which [Haida Chief] Klue said had been there time out of mind. (Francis Poole. Queen Charlotte Islands: A Narrative of discovery and Adventure in the North Pacific, Ed. John W. Lyndon, J. J. Douglas, Vancouver, 1972:272; emphases added)
MARKLAND Point of Arrival from VINLANDWith departure and arrival points established the great circle distance can be calculated and compared to the 150 miles obtained from "two days' sailing" of the Sagas at the island-hopping rate of 75 miles per 12-hour day. The total distance of 150 miles is also identical to a single 24-hour day of open-ocean sailing, which in practical terms would be required in the present context. Or better stated, one day and one night of continuous sailing. On a clear night this could be advantageous in terms of stellar navigation, even at a most rudimentary level and almost routine among those more familiar with the subject. In any event, open-ocean or not, this can hardly be considered an epic voyage, and quite possibly a northern heading followed by a latitude dog-leg to the west could (or would) have been used in practice. Alternatively, the information in the Sagas may have been intended to provide an accurate distance but only a general direction as applied here. But either way, before checking the distance between Bull Harbour and Cape St. James a number of issues remain.
CAPE ST. JAMES, Southern tip of Haida Gwai (QCI): 51O 56' 06" North, 131O 01' 03" West
... was driven out of his course at sea to White-men's-land [Hvítramanna-land], which is called by some persons Ireland the Great [Írland it mikla], it lies westward in the sea near Wineland the Good [Vínland it góða]; it is said to be six “doegra” sail west of Ireland." Arthur M. Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good: The History of the Icelandic Discovery of America. Burt Franklin, New York 1895:)From the previous section, however, we have a different understanding of "Ireland the Great" arising from the Greenland-Ireland dualities. From this viewpoint the above quotation provides just enough to provide the information that we seek, namely the direction and number of days' sailing. Thus "six" days, not west per se, but northwest (NW, or even NNW). Either way, still remaining with the 75-mile rate of progress per day, we arrive at a round target distance of 450 miles northwest from Vinland (as Island), i.e., initially Bull Harbour on the northeastern side of Vancouver Island.
This was followed by a brief commentary on references to Helluland inThe folk-tale of Bard the Snow-fell-god, The [fornsaga] of Arrow-Odd, The Saga of Halfdan Eysteinsson and The Saga of Halfdan Brana's-fosterling with a similarly severe assessment concerning their historical value, that of Helluland especially:The historical and quasi-historical material relating to the discovery of Wineland, has now been presented. A few brief notices of Helluland, contained in the later Icelandic literature, remain for consideration. These notices necessarily partake of the character of the sagas in which they appear, and as these sagas are in a greater or less degree pure fictions, the notices cannot be regarded as possessing any historical value. (Arthur M. Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good : The History of the Icelandic Discovery of America. Burt Franklin, New York 1895:90).
Although not as forthright as Nansen's withering rejection of Vinland, Reeves' negative conclusions are similarly dismissive, likely for the same fundamental reason. But as such he is also similarly incorrect, at least from the Pacific Northwest viewpoint that neither had apparently embraced. Should they have? Probably not, given the dates of their respective publications (1895 and 1911), the climate of the times, and not least of all, the less widely known mildness of the climate of "Vinland" itself in the southeastern corner of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, Canada.The brief extracts here quoted will suffice to indicate not only the fabulous character of the sagas in which they appear, but they serve further to show how completely the discoveries of Leif, and the explorations of Karlsefni had become distorted in the popular memory of the Icelanders at the time these tales were composed, which was 'probably in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. The Helluland of these stories is an unknown region, relegated, in the popular superstition, to the trackless wastes of northern Greenland. (Arthur M. Reeves, The Finding of Wineland the Good : The History of the Icelandic Discovery of America. Burt Franklin, New York 1895:90).
Thus "Slabland" for Helluland ("proper") in the last instance. But giants in this context? What giants would (or could) these be? Some might suggest that "attacking giants" in the Arctic Ocean could readily be explained by hunting whales, the large Bowhead whale of that region especially. This might well be so, but the second quotation concerned with clearing of "the wild regiions of Slabland" cannot be explained quite so easily.”At that time, the king ruling over Gestrekaland and all the provinces east of the Kjolen Mountains was a man called Agnar, married to Hildigunn, sister of the late King Harek of Permia. They had two sons, one Raknar, the other Val, both vikings, who spent their time in the Arctic Ocean attacking giants.
Raknar had a ship called the Raknarslodi. It had a hundred rowing spaces, and after the Long Serpent it was the biggest ever built in Norway, manned by every kind of blackguard, with fifty sons of whores at either hand upon each bench. Raknar conquered the wild regions of Slabland and cleared them completely of giants. (The Saga of Halfdan Eysteinsson, in Seven Viking Romances, trans. Palsson and Edwards, Penguin Books, New York 1987:171–198; emphases supplied)
Here it is necessary to be aware that "Ireland" in the above passage is not Ireland proper of Europe, but "Ireland the Great" of Norse literature and also the Pacific Northwest as discussed in detail in the following section. But in any event, the above reference provides no information regarding the size of the creature mentioned above, thus it was perhaps not a "giant" per se, but taking the most positive view on the matter, perhaps it was a juvenile that had been captured. But however unusual the contents of the above paragraph may appear, one thing seems clear enough; both the reference and the text are still better suited to the Pacific Northwest's "Ireland the Great" than Ireland proper of the British Isles and Europe.It once happened in that country (and this seems indeed strange) that a living creature was caught in the forest as to which no one could say definitely whether it was a man or some other animal; for no one could get a word from it or be sure that it understood human speech. It had the human shape, however, in every detail, both as to hands and face and feet; but the entire body was covered with hair as the beasts are, and down the back it had a long coarse mane like that of a horse, which fell to both sides and trailed along the ground when the creature stooped in walking. I believe I have now recounted most of the marvels that have their origin in the nature of the land itself, so far as we seem to have sure knowledge concerning them. (Final paragraph, Chapter X. The Natural Wonders of Ireland in THE KING’S MIRROR, Translated from the Old Norse by Laurence Marcellus Larson, Twayne Publishers, New York 1917:110)
On Christmas Eve the king sat on his throne with all of the court, each in his place. The men were glad and merry because the king was in the best of spirits.
When the men had drunk for a while, a man came into the hall. He was huge and horrid looking, dusky of face and roving of eye, black-bearded and long-nosed. This man had a helmet on his head, was clad in a coat of mail, and girded with a sword. He had a golden band around his neck and a thick golden ring on his arm. He went into the hall and up to the king's throne. He greeted no one. Men marveled mightily at the sight of him. No man spoke a word to him.
When he had stood for a while before the king, he announced: "Here have I come and nothing at all has been offered to me by this great figure. I shall be more generous for I shall offer to award those treasures that I have here now to that man who dares to take them from me – but there is no one like that here."
Then he went away, and there was a foul odour in the hall. Terrible dread came over all of them because of this. The king asked the men to sit still until the smell dispersed, and the men did as the king asked. But when it was investigated, many men were lying as if half-dead and witless until the king himself came and recited over them. All of the watchdogs were dead, except for Vigi alone and Gest's dog, Snati.
The king said, “Gest, who do you think that man was who came in here?”
Gest said, “I haven't seen him before, but I've been told by my kinsmen of a king named Raknar and I think that I recognised him from their stories. He had ruled over Helluland and many other countries. When he had ruled for a long time, he had himself buried alive along with five hundred men in Raknar's ship Slodinn. He murdered his own father and mother, and many other people. I think that his grave mound is likely to be in the northern wastelands of Helluland from the tales that men tell."
The king spoke: “I think you probably speak the truth. Now it is my request, Gest,” said the king, “that you go and get these treasures.”
“That could be called a death sentence, lord," said Gest, “but I won't refuse to go, if you prepare my journey as you know I will need to be prepared.”
The king said, “I shall do everything I can toward making your trip turn out well.
Then Gest made ready. The king gave him forty pairs of iron shoes that were lined with down” (Sarah M Anderson, trans. Bard's Saga, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:261, emphases supplied)
Thus Gest's expedition proceeded overland, apparently in a "south-westerly direction." We also now know why the "iron shoes" were provided, namely to walk across the "enormous stretches of burnt lava" in a particular location in Helluland. According to the saga they walked for three days before coming to the sea in search of a grave mound on a large island subject to tidal access. Here the saga becomes either vaguely apologetic or deliberately informative, albeit in a rather puzzling way, i.e., the saga states next that: "Some people say the mound was located in the north off Helluland, but wherever it was, there was no dwellings in the vicinity then."”They went away from there in the spring, each bearing his own provisions.
First they went overland in a south-westerly direction; then they turned across the land. They came to glaciers first, and then to enormous stretches of burnt lava. They then put on the iron shoes that the king had given them. They were forty, but the men were twenty plus Gest. When they had all put on the shoes except Jostein the priest, they ventured onto the lava field. After they had walked for a while, the priest became disabled. He walked the lava field with bloody feet.
Gest then said, “Which of you fellows will help this scribbler to make it off the mountain?”
No one spoke up because each thought he had enough to cope with.
“It is a good idea to help him,” said Gest, “because the king spoke highly of him, and we had better not go against his advice. Come here, priest, and get up on my pack and bring your kit with you.”
The priest did so. Gest then led the way and walked the fastest. They walked like this for three days. When the lava field ended, they came to the sea. There was a large island off shore. Out to the island lay a reef, narrow and long. It was dry at low tide, and so it was when they arrived. They went out onto the island, and there they saw a large grave mound.
Some people say that the mound was located in the north off Helluland, but, wherever it was, there were no dwellings in the vicinity then. (Sarah M Anderson, trans. Bard's Saga, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:262, emphases supplied)
Gest's ensuing subterranean conflict, his eventual triumph and Raknar's disrespectful end need not concern us, except to note one minor geological event included in the Saga. As the successful expedition was about to depart (incidentally, "They all went back the same way") we are told that: "It seemed to them almost as if the earth shook under their feet. The sea, too, flowed over the reef with such huge waves that it almost flooded the whole island."”Gest was lowered into the mound, with the priest and other men holding the rope. It was fifty fathoms down to the floor of the mound. Gest had wrapped himself with the cloth that the king had presented to him and girt himself with the short-sword. He held the candle in his hand, and it lit up as soon as he reached bottom. Gest now looked around the mound. He saw the ship Slodinn and five hundred men in it. The ship had been so large that it could not be manned by fewer men. It was said to be the equal of the ship Gnodin that Asmund commanded. Gest boarded the ship. He saw that all the men had been prepared to stand up until the candlelight shone on them, but after that they could not move, only roll their eyes and snort from their noses. Gest struck off all of their heads with the shortsword, which bit into them as if cutting water. He pillaged all of the trappings from the dragon ship and had them drawn up.
Then he searched for Raknar.... (Sarah M Anderson, trans. Bard's Saga, in Hreinsson, Vidar. Ed. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders Including 49 Tales (5 Vols.) Leifur Eiriksson Publishing, Reykjavik, 1997:262, emphases supplied)
It is a little premature (as well as uncertain), but we can see now that the last line from Bard's Saga above: "there were no dwellings in the vicinity then" could have validity, hence the reason for its inclusion, although perhaps "now" should more correctly be substituted for "then."Another most interesting feature of the Nass River is the great lava plain situated about forty miles from the mouth on the eastern bank. When I first ascended the river in 1874, I ascertained all I could about this volcanic eruption from several of the oldest Indians of the upper river tribes. ...
"The river did not always flow where it does now," [said an elder]. "It flowed along by the base of the mountains on the farther side of the valley some miles away. It was there the people were encamped when the Nak-nok of the mountain became angry and the firestone flowed down. They were all busy in catching, cleaning, and cutting up the salmon, to dry in the smoke. Whilst they were thus engaged, some of the boys were amusing themselves in catching salmon, and cutting openings in their backs, in which they inserted long, narrow stones. Then, setting them free in the water, as the salmon swam near the surface, the boys clapped their hands and called them finback whales.
"While they were thus enjoying their cruel sport, the ground began to tremble, and suddenly the mountain vomited forth fire and smoke. We knew then that the spirit of the mountain was angry with the boys because of their cruelty to the salmon. Then, when we saw the Nak-nok of the mountains rushing towards us clothed in fire, we fled for our lives. All that day we fled, and at sunset, as we looked back, we saw the spirit cloud with its huge wings outspread following us. We reached the foothills on this side, which we ascended, and there we took refuge, as all were exhausted, and could run no farther. The river of firestone, swept on by the cloud spirit, drove the river before it across the valley, until it also reached the based of the foothills. Here it heaped up, the river which quenched and cooled the firestone, boiling and thundering, and leaving it heaped up along the bank as it is today.
"As night fell, the spirit cloud disappeared in the darkness, but the whole valley was on fire, which continued for many days, until all the trees, and even the ground, were consumed.
"It was then that we separated and settled in the two towns of Gitakdamaks and Gitwunsil. Before the mountain vomited the firestone, we were all one village on the upper side of the valley, but from that time we became two camps."
This was the account of the great lava eruption, as detailed by the oldest resident of the nearest village to the scene. That it was the traditional account as held by all, I verified by passing along to the farther end of the village, where I again inquired from two other aged men, evidently patriarchs of the tribe. Their account agreed with that of the first, even to the names of three of the lads whose cruel treatment of the salmon was believed to have been the cause of the eruption. The leader of the offenders was named Ligishansh; the others I took no note of, as there were several. (William Henry Collison, In the Wake of the War Canoe, Edited and annotated by Charles Lilliard, SONO NIS PRESS, Victoria, 1981:186-187).
Finally, added from the Abstract (1969:1460): "The Aiyanish flow has an area of about 15 miles (38.8 km2) and a volume of about 0.1 mile3 (0.455 km3)."The Aiyanish alkali basalt lava flow is one of the youngest volcanic features of British Columbia. A new radiometric date confirms that the eruption is about 220 years old and that the legends of the Tsimshian people of the Nass River are firmly based. It issued from a vent area (about 55; 7' N, 128; 54' W) in a narrow valley of a tributary of the Tseax River. It flowed 3 miles (4.8 km) down this valley, formed a dam for Lava Lake, and continued northward 11 miles (17.7 km) down the valley of the Tseax River to the Nass River. Here is spread out in a lava plain about 6 miles (9.7 km) long, forcing the river to the northern margin of the valley. (A. Sutherland Brown, "Aiyansh lava flow, British Columbia." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences, Vol. 6, 1969:1460).
Allan Gottesfield has more to say that is of interest, including the possibility of an even earlier date:The Tseax Lava Flow occurred about 300 years ago. A carbon 14 date obtained by Sutherland Brown (1969) is 220 ± 130 years before 1950. Trees growing on the lava flow in the Tseax Valley are greater than 200 years old. The stump illustrated in figure 53 was 260 years old when cut around 1975. The stump is located on the edge of the flow. Assuming that about five years were necessary for the tree to begin growth and to reach the height of the cut, the lava flow is at least 275 years old. It is likely that some years past before tree growth started on the lava surface. This data suggests that the age of the flow is probably about 300 years. (Allan Gottesfeld, Geology of the Northwest Mainland, Kitimat Centennial Museum Association, Kitimat, 1985:84; emphases added).
Against the last part it must be acknowledged that Gottesfield also prefers a scenario that opposes the earlier extension. The latter statement, however--"several hundred years older"--nevertheless moves us back to the period that concerns us most, i.e., back to and before 1342 CE. Thus in addition to Sutherland Brown's optimal interval of 350 years before 1950 that results in a date of 1600 CE.--with "several" being at the very least three, the possible date now becomes 1300 CE. Whether a viking ship was ever there--at the time or the event or otherwise--remains, of course, conjectural. Then again, there is also the matter of the three-day walk and a burial mound on an island near the sea to be examined.The Tseax volcano is small even for a cinder cone (fig.48). The main cinder cone is about 460 metres in diameter at the base, and about 100 metres high. Coarser cinders and occasional volcanic bombs make up the cinder cones. Finer ash was deposited for a short distance around the crater, extending for less than a kilometre to the southeast, and shorter distances in other directions.
The crater area shows several vents which were active during the eruption. The main cinder cone itself is double, with a fresh cinder cone about 300 metres wide within the partially destroyed larger cinder cone (Sutherland Brown 1969). Wuorinen (1978) suggests that the outer cone may be several hundred years older than the inner cone. (Allan Gottesfeld, Geology of the Northwest Mainland, Kitimat Centennial Museum Association, Kitimat, 1985:78; emphases added).
The "discovery" of Nootka Sound was supposedly the first European involvement with Vancouver Island and the Nuu-chah-nulth. In fact, historians studying the trading activities of nomadic tribes have concluded that Eurpean settlement occurring far away had already affected the coast peoples by the time Juan Perez sailed into Nootka Sound in 1774. Perez was not much of an influence in any case. He refused to disembark, thinking that the welcoming canoes were a trap.
That Perez was the first foreigner to come close to Nootka Sound is open to debate. John Meares, a British ship captain sent to consolidate British presence in the area after Captain cook's departure, stated in his Voyages made in the years 1778 and 1779, from China to the North West Coast of North America (London, 1790) that the Mowachaht told him that their ancestors had met a man in a copper canoe who possessed numerous metal things. However, it is difficult to evaluate the accuracy of such a story. (Introduction to White Slaves of Maquinna: John R. Jewitt's Narrative of Capture and Confinement at Nootka, Heritage House, Surrey, 2000:10)
Maps: Partial Map Listing
for The Last Viking